Agents of Moscow: The Hungarian Communist Party and the by Martin Mevius

By Martin Mevius

After 1945, country patriotism of the communist regimes in japanese Europe used to be characterised by means of the frequent use of nationwide symbols. In communist Hungary the get together (MKP) extensively celebrated nationwide vacation trips, nationwide heroes, erected nationwide statues, and hired nationwide highway names. This 'socialist patriotism' had its foundation within the 'national line' of the Comintern, tested on Soviet directions following the German invasion of the Soviet Union. at the moment Stalin referred to as the events of the Comintern to oppose the Germans by means of issuing the decision for nationwide liberation. This coverage persisted after 1945 while, as an relief within the fight for strength, the MKP awarded itself as either the 'heir to the traditions of the international locations' and the 'only actual consultant of the curiosity of the Hungarian people'. satirically despite the fact that, the Soviet origins of the nationwide line have been additionally one of many major stumbling blocks to its good fortune because the MKP couldn't recommend nationwide calls for if those conflicted with Soviet pursuits. Martin Mevius' pioneering examine finds that what had begun as a tactical degree in 1941 had develop into the self-image of social gathering and nation in 1953 and that the last word loyalty to the Soviet Union labored to the detriment of the nationwide get together - the MKP by no means rid itself of the label 'agents of Moscow'.

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Extra resources for Agents of Moscow: The Hungarian Communist Party and the Origins of Socialist Patriotism 1941-1953 (Oxford Historical Monographs)

Sample text

Rákosi, Visszaemlékezések, i. . . ), Komintern,  n. . PIL /, .  Agents of Moscow leaders. This was also the case for Radio Kossuth, where Rákosi bore final responsibility, and party ideologue József Révai was editor-in-chief. Other party members who gained post-war prominence were employed as editors, broadcasters, and writers. Among them were Mihály Farkas, the former leader of the Communist Youth International, the journalist Zoltán Vas who had been released together with Rákosi, Czechoslovak Hungarian Sándor Nógrádi, the lawyer and journalist Rezs ő Szántó and his brother Zoltán, the economist István Friss, agricultural specialist Imre Nagy, the economist László Hay, and Spanish Civil War veteran Ferenc Münnich.

54 The goals were very similar to those of korenezatsiya: to make Socialism palatable to the Russians and, beyond that, to establish a sense of Soviet patriotism based on Russian national sentiment. With that, themes were set which would also become prevalent in Hungary after the Second World War: the construction of Socialist Patriotism based on Hungarian national feeling, coupled with a fear of ‘national communists’ who operated independently from Moscow. Carr, Socialism in One Country, . Barghoorn, Soviet Russian Nationalism, .

According to East German historians, it was part of a consistent strategy that led directly to the establishment of the GDR. Some western historians consider propaganda and re-education of prisoners of war to have been the main aims. According to another point of view, Stalin set up the NKFD as a negotiating chip. As a potential government of Germany, it formed a warning to the Americans and British to hurry up with the 33 36 Bungert, Nationalkomitee. Bungert, Nationalkomitee, –. 34 Dimitrov, Dnevnik, .

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